http://thediplomat.com/2014/07/b ... -china-on-security/
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美开明人士呼吁：中国多参与国际安全事务
中国参与RIMPAC(环太军演)是一个好的开始。但现在, 我们的目标必须是：维持并扩大与中国的这种安全合作。
娜塔莉Sambhi 和妮可·杨
2014年7月2日
2014年环太平洋 (RIMPAC)军演正在进行, 但考虑到美国军事力量和中国人民解放军以及此类联合军演的局限性，评论家们再次开始质疑：美国及其盟友、合作伙伴与中国人民解放军(PLA)的合作是否具有实用性。
这种质疑需要被放到-与中国的安全合作目标框架内-来做解析。
在向美国国会提交的最新中国军事安全发展报告中，美国军方提到-中华人民共和国和美国国防部要“建立持续的和实质性的军事关系。”
这份报告强调了-在美国与中国的军事关系 中“鼓励中国为美国安全努力做出建设性贡献-的重要性, 美国还希望中国与自己的盟友和合作伙伴以及国际社会共同维护世界的和平与稳定。”
但考虑到此类国际性军事演习-特别是有中国参加的-有名无实的现状,要想建立符合长远利益的活动机制, 必须与中国人民解放军逐渐建立合作关系和沟通渠道-并需遵守长期承诺。
要想与中国人民解放军开展深度安全合作,美国及其地区盟友和伙伴可以考虑以下三个方案：
1.将“不结盟”国家作为与中国沟通的桥梁
鉴于最近南海的紧张局势, 当务之急是：东盟成员国应该探索-与中国接触的创造性方法(包括军事演习)。
这类低级别的交流是区域军事成员之间合作的另一个窗口, 它可以在规避政治敏感性的同时避免挑战双方在国际法领域的分歧-从而进一步扩大现有美中双边演习的范围。
当然, 在南中国海-有一些东南亚国家确实与中国存在领土争端。
然而-像印度尼西亚这样的中间国家(在纳土纳岛屿问题上，印尼与中国应该不会发生冲突)，非美国盟友的身份可能使其成为这一沟通桥梁的不二人选。
2.鼓励中国继续推行多边主义
事实上,有许多奥巴马政府官员主张：中国应该在地区性机构中发挥更大的作用。
鉴于中国此次参加环太军演的举动, 奥巴马政府的亚洲政策主要发言人-像哈格尔、埃文 ·梅德罗斯(国家安全委员会亚洲事务主任)或大卫·希尔(提名负责亚太安全事务的助理国防部长)应该承认：中国在区域防御合作中展现的积极姿态-而不是所谓的反美竞争对手。
3.增加在跨国犯罪方面的合作
中国人民解放军海军(PLAN)已经深入参与了亚丁湾的打击海盗行动。
亚丁湾的成功模式, 表面上看-是在综合考虑各国之间共同利益的基础上，维护并保障了全球贸易-关键海上通道的安全, 不过，这一领域还是可以进一步-通过其他平台加以扩展的。
虽然在现实的东海和南海冲突中，中国海岸警卫队是与其他海上邻国接触的一线人物, 但中国海军毕竟是-在海上与其他国家共同执行任务和操练演习的主要参与者。
总的来说, 还有一个强有力的理由-让美国与解放军进行持续不断的交流。
为此努力，不仅可以向世界说明：美国的意图不在遏制中国-而是希望与其一起工作，还可以允许一些东南亚国家在参与军事任务时-制定出自己的议事日程。
原文：
Beyond RIMPAC: 3 Ways to Engage China on Security
China’s participation in RIMPAC is a good start. Now, the goal must be to sustain and expand security cooperation.
By Natalie Sambhi & Nicole Yeo
July 02, 2014
With the 2014 Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) exercise now underway, commentators have once again begun to question the usefulness of the U.S. and its allies and partners engaging China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA) at all, given the America’s legal limitations on the level of interaction that is allowed between its armed services and the PLA and the generally limited scope of such exercises.
Such skepticism needs to be framed in the context of what the goals of security cooperation with China are.
In its latest annual report to Congress on military and security developments involving the People’s Republic of China, the U.S. Department of Defense placed strong emphasis on “building a military-to-military relationship with China that is sustained and substantive.”
The report highlighted the importance of using military-to-military ties with China as a way to “encourage China to contribute constructively to efforts with the United States, [America's] allies and partners, and the greater international community to maintain peace and stability.”
Contrary to the view that international military exercises, particularly with China, are meaningful in name only, there are long-term benefits to such engagements that can only be gained through a sustained commitment to slowly building up personal relationships and communication channels with the PLA.
Here are three alternative approaches for engaging the PLA that the United States and its regional allies and partners should consider:
1. Using “Non-Aligned” Countries As Conduits
Given recent tensions in the South China Sea, it is imperative that ASEAN members explore creative options to engage China as well, including through military exercises.
These kinds of low-level interactions are another interface between regional military members — one that can also circumvent the kinds of political sensitivities and legislative challenges on both sides in rushing to broaden the existing repertoire of U.S.-China bilateral exercises.
Of course, some Southeast Asian nations are claimant states in South China Sea territorial disputes.
States like Indonesia, however, being neutral (should no dispute arise over the Natuna Islands) and not a U.S. ally, could be a prime candidate to act as a conduit.
Indonesia also prides itself on maintaining a “free and active” foreign policy — a variant of non-alignment — and promotes the idea of “dynamic equilibrium,” which encourages an Asia-Pacific order that is not dominated by any one state.
As such, Indonesia actively positions itself to encourage “inclusivity,” good relations between Asia Pacific states and participation in order-building structures.
One such way might be for Indonesia to more actively pursue a multilateral exercise between itself, the United States, China and Australia.
As the largest state in ASEAN, Indonesia is an ideal facilitator for this proposal, and this would also align with the idea that ASEAN could be the fulcrum of the Asia-Pacific region, with initiatives emanating from member states.
In 2011 and again in 2012, President Yudhoyono proposed Chinese participation in regional disaster relief exercises that might involve U.S. Marines stationed in Darwin.
U.S. Pacific Command chief Admiral Samuel Locklear affirmed Washington’s support for Yudhoyono’s proposal during a trip to Canberra in July 2012.
Ideas for what kind of exercises might be appropriate could begin from observing this year’s iteration of RIMPAC, in which China is participating for the first time.
Beginning with a table-top exercise, a quadrilateral activity could be expanded in the future to include other partners like Singapore, New Zealand and Malaysia, all possible conduit states themselves – and could gradually extend beyond disaster relief matters.
2. Encouraging China’s Multilateralism
In fact, many Obama administration officials have advocated China playing a bigger role within regional institutions.
In light of this Chinese gesture, it is worthwhile for key spokespeople of the Obama administration’s Asia policy, like Hagel himself, Evan Medeiros (the National Security Council’s Director for Asian Affairs), or David Shear (the nominee for Assistant Secretary of Defense for Asian and Pacific Security Affairs), to consider acknowledging China’s gesture as a positive step toward better regional defense cooperation rather than a competitive move against the United States.
3. Increasing Cooperation on Transnational Crime
The PLA Navy (PLAN) is already heavy involved in counter-piracy operations in the Gulf of Aden.
The success of the Gulf of Aden model, which ostensibly capitalizes on a shared interest between countries in the safety of sea lanes critical for global trade, is one that can be built upon further through other platforms.
Although in reality, in the East and South China Seas, the Coast Guard arguably serves as the first line of contact with other maritime neighbors, it is the PLAN that has been the primary participant in sea-based missions and training exercises with other countries.
Overall, there is also a strong case to be made for continuing efforts to increase interactions with PLA members.
These efforts not only bolster U.S. claims that it is not containing China, but rather wishes to work together with it, but also allow Southeast Asian states, for instance, to ultimately own the agenda of military engagement in their region.
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发表于 2014-7-2 17:50
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